We are living through a transformation so deep it cannot be
captured by economics alone—one that is reshaping not just our livelihoods, but
our very sense of what is real.
For years, we have been told that the middle class is
shrinking because of technology, globalization, or a temporary mismatch between
skills and opportunity. But I’ve come to believe this explanation is too small
for the scale of the transformation underway. Something deeper—structural,
historical, and ontological—is happening beneath the surface.
The rupture began, I think, with the fall of the Berlin
Wall.
For all its brutality and distortion, the Cold War locked
elites and masses into a shared geopolitical project. The “people”—industrial
workers, clerical labor, students, soldiers—were not merely economic units.
They were strategic resources held in reserve. Welfare systems, pensions,
public education, accessible healthcare—these were more than social goods; they
were stabilizing investments in a mobilizable population.
With the collapse of the Soviet Union, that incentive
evaporated. The need for mass participation waned. Wars no longer required
millions of bodies. Global markets fractured the old national economies.
Capital gained the ability to pool talent, labor, and consumption anywhere,
anytime.
And then, almost imperceptibly, the bottom 90 percent began
to be reclassified.
The shift wasn’t announced. There was no proclamation that
citizenship had thinned into a legal fiction. But the effect was unmistakable:
the majority were transformed from rights-bearing citizens into something
closer to functional subalterns—their value measured less by
participation in a social contract than by their capacity for extraction. What
the colonized experienced under imperial capitalism—precarity, disposability, a
structural inability to speak their world into legitimacy—is now resurfacing
inside the very nations that once exported it.
Globalization, financialization, and the reach of ICT
technologies didn’t simply disrupt industries; they dissolved the underlying
logic of the post-war settlement. The middle class was not just an income
bracket. It was a historical artifact, sustained by an implicit agreement: your
stability for our stability.
When that agreement lost its geopolitical utility, it began
to fray. Today, millions find themselves in a condition that would be familiar
to the forgotten and ignored peoples of colonial history: living in survival
mode, unable to secure housing, healthcare, education, or even a coherent
narrative about their place in the world. The core features of the colonial
condition—disposability, marginalization, ontological erasure—have quietly
migrated into the heart of advanced democracies.
This is where the ontological dimension becomes unavoidable.
When a population is structurally downgraded, the first
thing that collapses is not material well-being, but epistemic standing. People
lose the right to define what is real. Their experiences are pathologized;
their struggles reframed as personal failure; their intuitions dismissed as
irrational. They are spoken about but not with. They occupy the position
Gayatri Spivak famously articulated: the subaltern cannot speak—not
because they are silent, but because the dominant structure cannot hear them.
The newly precarious majority now inhabits that same
position. They are feeling the early symptoms of ontological displacement:
mistrust in institutions, attraction to unconventional imaginaries, and the
search for alternative ways of making sense of a world that no longer reflects
them back to themselves.
People are losing the ability to locate themselves within
the story of their own society. They feel the decoherence before they can name
it. And without a shared ontology, the old narratives collapse.
But this structural demotion couldn’t succeed on economic
grounds alone. It required a second, equally powerful process: the
ontological occupation of public reality.
This is where the modern nation-state reveals its updated
function. In earlier eras, the state told a story of shared destiny and upward
mobility. Today, its narrative machinery operates differently. Rather than
generating cohesion, it maintains ontological containment. The purpose is no
longer to unify the public around a common project but to limit the bandwidth
through which alternative realities can be articulated, circulated, and taken
seriously. The state does not need to own the media. It only needs to shape the
frame within which media operates.
This is an organizational lock on the imagination.
Through narrative saturation, regulatory pressure, and
alignment with capital, the media ensures that the public sphere remains
narrow, individualized, and emotionally charged but politically impotent. The
effect is subtle but decisive. People do not simply lose access to material
stability; they lose the legitimacy of their own worldview. Their ability to
describe the world in terms that make sense to them is delegitimized before it
can become politically actionable.
The domestic precariat now occupies the position of the
colonized subaltern. Their economic hardship is compounded by ontological
displacement: a sense that the world is no longer coherently narratable from
their point of view. They feel the incoherence before they can name it. And in
that epistemic void, the old social contract dissolves.
Under these conditions, alternative ontologies—mutualism,
decoloniality, ecological relationality, local sovereignty, new forms of
consciousness—are perceived as threats, not because they are dangerous in
themselves, but because they expose the narrowness of the dominant frame. They
reveal that the ontological perimeter around “reality” is politically
maintained. They show that the terrain of possibility is larger than the story
we are being told.
Yet this ontological occupation is not as stable as it
appears.
People sense the fracture. Precarity sharpens perception.
Climate destabilization amplifies ontological dissonance. AI enables
individuals to engage in accelerated autodidactic exploration, bypassing
traditional gatekeepers. The cracks are widening. New world-making efforts are
emerging from the margins—small coherence clusters in a landscape that is
otherwise fragmenting.
Perhaps that is the deeper task now—not to restore the old
social contract, which belonged to a geopolitical era that no longer exists,
but to cultivate alternative ontologies capable of grounding life in a rapidly
shifting world. To listen with the newly subalternized majority, just as
anthropologists once listened with the colonized, and recognize that their
struggle is not only material but ontological.
We are living through a reordering of the real. Naming it is
the first step. Reimagining it is the work ahead.

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